Families That Display High Levels of Expressed Emotion Do All Except:

Introduction

Emotion Displays in Media: A Comparison Between Romanaian, Turkish, and Euro-American Children's Storybooks

The written report of emotion norms is of import to better describe and explain cultural differences in emotion socialization. For example, experiencing positive emotions may be desirable universally. However, the quality of the experience may vary across cultures. Tsai (2007) demonstrated that Taiwanese Chinese rather prefer low-arousal positive emotions similar contentment, whereas European Americans prefer high-arousal positive emotions like excitement; i.eastward., these two cultural groups differ in the desired (platonic) positive bear on. This cultural difference in platonic positive affect was too reflected in children'due south storybooks of the ii cultures (Tsai et al., 2007). These findings advise that cultural artifacts, such as children'southward books, human action as one of the specific pathways through which emotion norms are presented and can be culturally transmitted and learned. Therefore, children'south storybooks may provide an of import resource for children to learn about culturally appropriate emotions.

This study aims to analyze emotion norms as represented by emotion displays in children's storybooks for preschoolers and to expand the report of Tsai et al. (2007) in two ways. First, we aim to aggrandize the cultural variation. Tsai et al. (2007) focused on the comparing of American and East Asian cultures, similar many other studies. We aim to compare emotion displays in children'southward books from 2 Eastern European countries (Romania, Turkey) with books from the U.s.. 2nd, Tsai et al. (2007) focused exclusively on the positive ideal touch on. In the present study, we farther include comparisons involving the displays of negative emotions too as social context (ingroup/outgroup) in which emotion displays occur.

Studies about emotion norms are withal deficient, but indirect evidence for potential cultural differences tin be concluded from two unlike areas of research: (i) emotion display rules, emotion expression, and ideal affect that were studied in cross-cultural perspective over the last 10 years and, (ii) studies about emotion socialization in different cultures that investigated parental beliefs almost children's emotion competence. Both areas give some direct and indirect insight into cultural emotion norms.

General Cultural Differences in Emotion Expression Norms

Correlational studies analyzing the relations betwixt emotion display rules and land characteristics showed that adults in more than individualist countries endorse emotion expression overall more than strongly than collectivistic countries (Matsumoto et al., 2008). The meta-analysis of emotion and culture by Van Hemert et al. (2007), which included 190 studies from 29 unlike countries, confirmed this effect and also constitute that the aforementioned relation applies for the level of commonwealth and stability: countries with a higher level of commonwealth, higher observance of human rights and college stability permit more emotion expression in full general. The hypothesis that countries with higher uncertainty avoidance (i.e., societies with depression tolerance for ambiguity and strict rules of belief and behavior; Hofstede, 2011) permit more negative emotion expressions could non exist confirmed (Van Hemert et al., 2007).

Growing prove with children as well shows that school-aged children from Eastern asia (due east.g., China, Korea), Due south Asia (e.chiliad., Nepal, Republic of india), and the Centre East (e.thousand., Islamic republic of iran, Morocco) are less likely to be confrontational and more likely to hide their emotions, particularly anger, than children from the US or Western Europe (Cole et al., 2002; Novin et al., 2009, 2010, 2011; Wilson et al., 2012).

These differences in emotion expression at the state-level have typically been explained by differences in the self-construal dimension. The relative salience of the independent vs. interdependent self-construal has been conceptualized as playing a differential function in the organization of one'south emotions, cognitions, and behaviors (Markus and Kitayama, 2010). Individuals in countries endorsing norms similar individualism, equality, and autonomy show higher endorsement of independent self-construal, i.e., they perceive themselves equally separate from others and unique, whereas individuals in countries endorsing collectivism, hierarchy, and embeddedness display college interdependent self-construal, i.e., they perceive themselves as related to others.

The cultural emotion norms delineated in the adult emotion display rules literature are in line with emotion socialization studies in cross-cultural psychology. European American mothers elaborate and provide more detail when talking about emotions, and imbue their interactions with smiles and laughing to a greater extent than mothers from Japan, Republic of indonesia, and China (come across Fivush et al., 2006, and Tsai, 2007 for reviews). These findings imply that caregivers' culturally valued self-construal also acts to shape their emotion-related goals and socialization practices. In other words, emotion norms are learned and transmitted in line with the cultural models of emotion competence, divers as caregivers' expectations for children's understanding and expression of emotions. Research suggests that European-Americans favor an "individualistic" model of emotion competence, i.e., encouraging emotion expression in a more open way as parents strive to promote children'southward cocky-sufficiency, sense of autonomy and independence through creativity, assertiveness, and self-esteem (Greenfield et al., 2003). Consequently, self-expression and open advice of "ego-focused" emotions, such every bit anger, pride, and disgust, which support the assertion of the democratic cocky are favored, while shame expression which may signal a threat to a kid's cocky-esteem is discouraged (Markus and Kitayama, 2001).

Parents in collectivistic countries favor a relational model of emotion competence. In the relational model, proper behavior is prioritized into hierarchical relationships, such every bit respect for elders and loyalty to family unit, social harmony, and group interests (Matsumoto, 1991). Thus emotions that are ego-focused are considered potentially disrupting to interpersonal relations and are strictly controlled (Wang, 2003). In these societies, caregivers tend to promote emotion display rules which underscore the importance of interpersonal sensitivity and cultivate "other-focused" emotions similar sympathy and shame in order to foster relational emotional competence (Chan et al., 2009).

Cultural Differences in Emotion Norms in Romania, Turkey and the Usa

Virtually cross-cultural studies focus on US-Asian comparisons with an accent on cultural differences in individualism and collectivism, whereas E European countries were not often included in cross-cultural studies. Investigating Eastward European countries can contribute to a better understanding of the variability within collectivist and group-oriented countries. E European countries like Turkey and Romania are less individualistic than U.s.a. but also less collectivistic than Eastward Asian countries like China or South Korea (Hofstede, 2001). Both countries take college dubiety abstention, i.e., lower tolerance for ambiguity, than the United states of america and East Asian countries (Hofstede, 2001). Romania and Turkey are qualified as countries that endorse the values of hierarchy (in opposition to egalitarianism) and embeddedness (in opposition to autonomy) in contrast to US (Schwartz, 2008). These similar value profiles make them also distinct from East Asian countries that endorse those values much more strongly.

Confirming these expectations, Turkish pupil samples did non endorse emotion expression equally much as Americans did, just more compared to Hong Kong students in the emotion brandish rule studies mentioned above (Matsumoto et al., 2008). A qualitative cross-cultural study (Denham et al., 2004) about American, Romanian, and Japanese parents' strategies to manage their children's emotions highlighted Japanese parents' stress on restraining their preschoolers' emotion displays or downplaying their means of emotion expression in social situations. In dissimilarity, Romanian parents did not mention such restrictions well-nigh emotion expression, and were similar to American parents' answers, but—in contrast to the American mothers—they were also eager to rather avoid the exposure of their kid to negative emotions including showing their own negative emotion (e.thou., acrimony; run across besides Bassett et al., unpublished manuscript). Finally, evidence from research that pertains to emotion socialization shows that Turkish mothers were more probable to make appeals to others' behavioral blessing and feelings compared to U.s. mothers in discipline contexts (Catay et al., 2008), pointing to Turkish mothers' efforts to cultivate relational emotion competence by prioritizing appropriate conduct and sensitivity to others' emotions. Altogether these studies support the full general claim that emotion norms in Turkey and Romania are not identical with norms in East Asian countries, but they also diverge from American norms.

Romania is rarely included in multinational studies, just due to the common value orientations, nosotros expect similarities in emotion norms betwixt these two countries. In light of limited recent research on emotion display rules and emotion-related parenting, and considering the mutual value orientations in Turkey and Romania (Kagitcibasi, 2007; Friedlmeier and Gavreliuc, 2013) that emphasize respect, cocky-restraint, and harmonious relations, we predicted higher intensity of overall emotion expressions in American storybooks compared to the Romanian and Turkish storybooks for preschoolers.

Cultural differences in emotion endorsement practise non only refer to the intensity of the expression but also to the frequency of their brandish in the media. As this study investigates images in children's storybooks, an often repeated display of a singled-out emotion can exist interpreted as a salient feature of a specific culture. This means that this emotion is considered of import and relevant, while a low rate of displays rather points to low desirability of such an emotion.

Cultural Differences in the Valence of Emotions

As well the mostly stronger endorsement of emotion expression in the Us, a differentiation along the valence of emotions is important as norms for positive and negative emotions may vary beyond cultures. Diener and Lucas (2004) analyzed the desired emotions for children by asking students in 48 different countries to rate the statement "I hope my daughter will exist happy" on a 9-indicate calibration from 1(strongly disagree) to ix (strongly concur). Respondents in all countries desired high levels of happiness for their children. Happiness every bit desired for their children was more strongly endorsed by American than past Turkish students, only the difference was not significant (Diener and Lucas, 2004). This pattern suggests that adults in all cultures aim mostly to encourage positive emotions in young children (Cole and Tan, 2006). Therefore, we expected that children's storybooks from all three countries would show displays of positive emotions in a dominant style compared to negative emotions.

Despite the predominant brandish of positive emotions beyond cultural groups, the displays of positive emotions appear to differ in the intensity and activity level as a function of emotional norms in each culture. Tsai et al. (2007) compared the affective content of the best-selling storybooks in the U.s. and Taiwan. Although the all-time-selling children'south storybooks from the United States (US) and Taiwan did non differ in the number of pictures with positive affective states, books from the United states contained significantly more than pictures of characters depicted with excited expressions (i.e., wider smiles, laughing) than those in the Taiwanese storybooks. The emphasis of contentment and quiet activeness may be less salient in Eastern European countries such as Romania and Turkey. However, based on the positive relation between individualism and expression norms for happiness (Matsumoto et al., 2008), potent positive expression may be more of a norm in the US compared to Turkey and Romania given the stronger collectivistic orientation of these countries. Hence, we expected a higher intensity of positive emotion displays in the American books compared to the Turkish and Romanian books.

Most studies to date treated negative emotions every bit a unitary construct without considering their valence (Van Hemert et al., 2007). In doing this, the researchers missed the point that there are 2 opposite classes of emotions within the negative emotions in regard to action readiness. Timmers et al. (1998) introduced the terms "powerless" and "powerful negative emotions" when studying gender differences in emotion expression, and Halberstadt (1986) chosen them "dominant" and "submissive negative emotions." Kitayama and colleagues have also made a differentiation betwixt socially engaging and disengaging negative emotions based on the emotion themes grounded in independence or interdependence (Kitayama et al., 2006). Powerless negative, socially engaging, or submissive negative emotions, like sadness, fear, and shame, include the action readiness to withdraw, abscond, or hide, and such emotions telephone call for emotional support by others. Powerful negative, socially disengaging, or dominant negative emotions, like acrimony, jealousy, contempt, and frustration, include the action readiness to assail, to injure, or to offend, and such emotions rather represent a threat to others. We will utilise the terms "powerful negative" and "powerless negative emotions" for this article.

These distinctions are being increasingly employed, and the differentiation between powerful and powerless negative emotions is essential for cultural comparisons (Kitayama et al., 2006). Emotions have both intra- and interpersonal meanings, which serve different functions in specific cultures (Matsumoto et al., 2008). Individualistic cultures place a higher emphasis on intrapersonal meanings, because they foster expressivity and place the individual at a higher level of importance compared to social relationships (Matsumoto et al., 2008). In collectivist cultures, powerless negative emotions are well accepted since they do non bring whatever damage to the grouping. However, powerful negative emotions are seen as confusing and a threat to the group, and the need to suppress them is seen as much more of import compared to individualistic cultures.

Supporting this view, Americans reported the intensity of experiencing powerful negative emotions (e.g., anger) as stronger than Japanese in response to negative events, while the reverse pattern was found for powerless negative emotions (Kitayama et al., 2006). In the study about desired emotions for their children, Diener and Lucas (2004) asked students in regard to anger ("I hope my daughter will not express acrimony, fifty-fifty when she has a reason for doing so"). Turkish students desired college acrimony suppression for their children compared to American students.

Emotion socialization research besides reveals that mothers from Turkey (Corapci, 2012; Corapci et al., 2012) and India (Raval and Martini, 2009) were more likely to encourage the expression of sadness compared to acrimony. Indian mothers besides reported less scaffolding and more than minimization for kid acrimony than sadness (Raval and Martini, 2009). Unlike Indian caregivers, U.s.a. caregivers were observed to give more attention to children'south (four–6 years) anger than sadness and anxiety, reflecting differential parental socialization pressure to different child emotions (Chaplin et al., 2005).

Taken together, emerging research prove supports the view that the expression of negative powerful emotions are encouraged more in individualistic cultures where relatively greater importance is placed on the independent self and the advice of cocky-focused; even interpersonally disengaging emotions is seen as a style to foster autonomy and assertiveness. Conversely, the experience and expression of negative powerless emotions are discouraged in Western cultures, which may point a threat to one's self-esteem. Therefore, we predicted that American children's storybooks would brandish powerful negative emotions more than frequently and powerless negative emotions less often than the Turkish and Romanian books. These cultural differences in powerful and powerless negative emotions may non only have implications for the frequency of these displays in books simply besides to the presented intensity of the expressions. We expect that American storybooks will brandish a higher expression intensity for powerful negative expressions and lower intensity for negative powerless emotions than Turkish and Romanian books.

Cultural Differences of Emotions equally a Function of Social Context

Emotion norms not only vary across cultures in regard to the overall expression endorsement and the valence of the emotion but also equally a role of social context. The emotion display rules written report by Matsumoto et al. (2008) showed that members of individualist cultures endorsed stronger expression of negative emotions and weaker expression of positive emotions toward ingroup members (i.due east., familiar social partners like family members and friends) compared to outgroup members (i.e., less familiar social partners like colleagues and acquaintances). The correlations were strong for negative powerful emotions (acrimony, contempt, disgust) and less strong but yet significant for negative powerless emotions (sadness and fear). On the other hand, students in more collectivist countries endorsed that negative emotions, peculiarly negative powerful emotions, should be expressed more than intensely toward outgroup rather than ingroup members. Enquiry with children also revealed that Indian, Korean, and Iranian children hide their acrimony more in the presence of their parents than their peers, while the reverse pattern has been documented for United states and Dutch children (Raval et al., 2007; Novin et al., 2009, 2010). These findings fit with the values of collectivistic cultures, where an intense expression of negative powerful emotions toward ingroup members should be avoided strongly as group cohesion is threatened by this.

Collectivistic cultures likewise foster college differentiation between ingroup and outgroup relationships compared to individualistic cultures (Triandis, 1995; Kashima and Kashima, 2003). A comparison of emotion brandish norms for negative powerful emotions between Canadian, American, and Japanese students confirmed this norm difference (Safdar et al., 2009). Japanese students showed the strongest distinction between ingroup and outgroup and evaluated it equally more appropriate to express negative powerful emotions more intensely toward outgroup than toward ingroup members (Safdar et al., 2009). In light of research conducted with adults and children, we expected that the frequency and intensity of emotion expressions will differ more strongly for ingroup-outgroup contexts in Romanian and Turkish storybooks compared to American storybooks.

Coding of Emotions in Storybooks

Beside the theoretical framework, some methodological remarks are necessary equally this written report does not exam individuals but refers to coding and analyzing illustrations of emotion expressions in children'due south storybooks. According to the Facial Activity Coding Arrangement (FACS; Ekman and Friesen, 1978), emotion expressions tin be analyzed equally combinations of specific action units which refer to contractions of specific facial muscles (i.eastward., raised inner eyebrow, lips parted, olfactory organ wrinkled). Tsai et al. (2007) used part of this arrangement to identify facial patterns of positive expression in storybooks. This belittling coding is considered a more objective measure compared to a synthesized decoding of an emotion that requests a synthesis of mimic (facial features), posture, gesture, causes, and context by the coder. Nevertheless, the analytical approach is limited in several respects. First, the facial features of FACS are only determined for six singled-out emotions (happiness, sadness, fear, anger, surprise, disgust), and do not include emotions like jealousy, shame, embarrassment, contempt, pride, and others. Second, the facial displays in the books are somewhat ambiguous as illustrators use different ways to draw the facial expressions. Additional information through gestures and postures can help make up one's mind the type of expressed emotion. Furthermore, illustrators from different cultures may apply different features to determine emotion expression drawings. Cross-cultural research has shown that Japanese utilize the positions and form of the optics to decode sadness and joy, whereas Americans focus on the oral fissure region, and this difference is besides reflected in emoticons, combinations of keys that combine to class an estimate facial expression used in electronic communication (Yuki et al., 2005). Therefore, a synthesized judgment based on mimic, posture, gesture, and context about the emotion and the intensity of expression was chosen as a feasible and advisable way for coding these illustrations.

The analyses focus on the frequency rates as well as intensity of emotion expressions. As mentioned above, a frequent display of the same emotion can be interpreted every bit conveying loftier relevance of such emotion to the audience whereas the lack thereof may point to the fact that such an emotion is rather downplayed and seen as irrelevant.

Hypotheses

To summarize, this study aims to analyze the emotion norms by examining the images in storybooks for preschoolers from the US, Romania, and Turkey. Using the cultural models of cocky-construal (Markus and Kitayama, 2001) and emotion competence (Chan et al., 2009) as guiding theoretical frameworks and building on previous cantankerous-cultural inquiry on emotion display rules and emotion socialization, we predicted four principal hypotheses:

(1) We expected that the storybooks from all three countries would display positive emotion displays to a greater extent than negative emotions.

(ii) Negative emotion displays in American children's storybooks will stand for a higher proportion of negative powerful and a lower proportion of negative powerless emotion expressions compared to Turkish and Romanian books.

(iii) American children's storybooks will display higher intensity of expressivity for positive and powerful negative emotions compared to both Romanian and Turkish books. Due to the express prove, the examination of the cultural differences in negative powerless emotions is exploratory in the current study.

(iv) Emotion expression frequency and intensity toward ingroup vs. outgroup members will differ more strongly in the Romanaian and Turkish storybooks compared to American storybooks, particularly for powerful-negative emotions in the lite of previous research.

Methods

Selection of Books

We sampled 10 American¹, 10 Romanian and x Turkish children'southward storybooks for preschoolers or younger. Following the pick criteria used in previous research (Tsai et al., 2007), the most popular books in the U.Due south. were identified through online resources such every bit Amazon.com and through bookstores' bestseller lists in Turkey and Romania (see Table 1). The author and/or the illustrator are not necessarily members of the corresponding culture as some Turkish and Romanaian books are translations from German or English books. Since these are best-selling storybooks, they are widely distributed and many young children are nigh probable to be exposed to these books. Beside popularity, the second selection criterion referred to the evaluation of the characters' emotion expression. Based on the most relevant mimic features according to Ekman et al. (1972), distinctive eyes, eyebrows, and mouth were necessary criteria. Books with animals as the master characters were acceptable every bit long as the facial features were human being like enough to code. A third selection benchmark was the requirement that the books had to have a storyline and a protagonist. This terminal criterion was deemed necessary because emotions are non static simply rather dynamic; i.e., emotions (experience and expression) are evoked by a cause and also include activeness readiness to act upon the experienced emotion. Books with a storyline present emotions not only in static displays but requite action-related data (e.g., crusade of the emotion and action consequences) which convey information about emotions in a more vivid and accurate manner. Taken together, these three selection criteria of (1) beingness widely distributed, (2) showing codable features, and (3) sharing a storyline served as footing of equivalence for all books.

Table 1. Volume titles of the selected books.

Procedure

First, the main coder (coder A) identified all codable characters in a volume and numbered them to ensure that all raters would lawmaking the aforementioned images in each book. Only the characters in the story whose faces were fully displayed were coded. The images on the covers and title pages were not coded. And then each character was coded for identification of gender, social context, type of distinct emotion and intensity of expression.

All coders were trained and familiarized with the Facial Activeness Coding System (FACS) to utilise an analytical approach for coding. They received some training faces to accomplish loftier interrater agreement before they started coding. Two American coders were involved: Coder A coded all books, coder B coded all American books and the majority of Romanian and Turkish books. A Romanaian coder (coder C) coded all Romanian books, and a Turkish coder (coder D) rated some of the Turkish books in gild to control for cultural bias. This coding strategy ensured that 3 ratings were bachelor for each volume and one of the coders was a member of the respective cultural grouping. For information analysis, the majority code of the 3 was used to create the final data set. In the rare cases that the iii coders showed three dissimilar codes, the final decision was made past a 4th coder.

Measures

Distinct emotion coding

Besides the facial expression of the graphic symbol, the posture and gestures every bit well as contextual features like the clarification in the text or the drawn situation in the full picture immune more reliable identification of the specific emotion. For this purpose, the Turkish and Romanaian books were translated into English in lodge to facilitate the identification of the characters' distinct emotions. The American books were not translated equally the Romanian and Turkish coders were fluent in English. The type of singled-out emotion was coded as an overall evaluation of the displayed emotion by the rater, who considered facial expression and posture of a character and took into account contextual features including the text.

The list included 14 singled-out emotions that were further classified into three types of emotions: Positive emotions, e.chiliad., happiness, excitement, surprise, pride; negative powerless emotions, e.g., fearfulness, sadness, embarrassment, shame, worry/anxiety; and negative powerful emotions, due east.g., anger, disgust, dislike, contempt, jealousy. The interrater reliabilities for the emotion display variables across the four raters and the three countries were acceptable for the distinct emotion coding with a mean Cohen'south κ = 0.89 ranging from 0.79 (rater A and D for Turkish books) to 0.96 (rater A and B for Romanian books). A frequency score was derived for each blazon of emotion based on the total number of counts beyond all books.

Intensity of expression coding

Intensity of the emotion expression was rated on a iv-point calibration from 0—no expression, one—weak expression, ii—medium expression, and 3—strong expression. The intraclass correlations for boilerplate measures across the respective three coders were 0.91 for American, 0.90 for Turkish, and 0.92 for Romanian books.

Social context coding

Social context lawmaking was differentiated into four categories. The protagonist was (i) with ingroup members, i.eastward., with familiar relatives (a parent, sibling or grandmother that lived in the house), best friend, teacher, significant other, (2) with outgroup members, i.due east., with unfamiliar persons (e.g., strangers), (3) in a mixed group context, i.due east., familiar and unfamiliar targets were present, or (4) alone. For hypothesis testing, just ingroup/outgroup context was analyzed. The alone context and mixed grouping were non considered further as no ingroup/outgroup distinctions tin exist made.

Each grapheme was also coded for gender (male, female person, or not known) and for representing the protagonist of the story (yes/no category). The interrater reliabilities for these variables were satisfactory with a mean κ = 0.90 for social context ranging from 0.84 (Rater B and Rater C for Turkish books) to 0.93 (Rater A and Rater C for Turkish books) and a mean κ = 0.98 for gender and protagonist ranging from 0.98 to 1.00.

Results

Cultural Differences in the Features of the Storybook Images

Preliminary analyses examined whether the American, Turkish, and Romanaian storybook images were equivalent in terms of the quantity of images, the features of the characters and the contextual setting of the images. A full of 1118 images identified as fulfilling the criteria of fully displaying a graphic symbol's facial and posture features were coded across the 30 storybooks. The number of coded images in Romanian books (n = 430) were significantly higher compared to the American books (north = 318), χⁱⁱ ₍₁₎ = 16.77, p < 0.001 and Turkish books (due north = 370), χ² ₍₁₎ = 4.50, p = 0.033, and the Turkish books had more figures than the American books, χ² _(i) = 3.93, p = 0.047. Since the number of the volume pages did non vary across the three countries, F _{(ii, 27)} = 2.59, p = 0.094, the higher numbers of overall images in the Romanaian and Turkish books is due to the presence of more than people displaying emotions in one scene.

The gender of the images did not vary significantly across cultures, χ² _(ii) = 4.03, p = 0.133. The relative frequencies of displays in social contexts differed significantly across the 3 cultures, χ^two ₍₆₎ = 81.94, p < 0.001 (meet Effigy 1). A master difference occurred for a direct comparing between ingroups and outgroups (by excluding mixed and lone): American books displayed emotions more in contexts with ingroup members, i.e., familiar persons (71.88%) compared to Romanian books (sixty.39%), χ² ₍₁₎ = 17.l, p < 0.001 and the Romanaian proportion of displays to ingroup members was likewise significantly higher compared to the Turkish books (50.45%), χ^two ₍₁₎ = 16.66, p < 0.001.

Figure ane. Distribution of social contexts for the 3 cultural groups.

Many scenes in Turkish books represented a mixture of familiar and unfamiliar targets present at the same time (29.73%) which was significantly different from Romanaian (ix.53%), χ^two ₍₁₎ = 43.56, p < 0.001, but not from the American books (17.30%), χ² ₍₁₎ = 0.01, p = 0.957. There was no cultural difference regarding displays in alone contexts, χ² ₍₂₎ = 4.36, p = 0.113, with an occurrence charge per unit of about ten% (American books: 12.2%, Romanian books: 7.67%, and Turkish books: 9.73%; come across Effigy one). No cultural differences occurred for protagonist, χ² ₍₂₎ = 0.59, p = 0.746: All books showed displays of the protagonist about 40% of the time, χⁱⁱ ₍₂₎ = 0.04, p = 0.812.

Descriptive Results of Emotion Displays

The frequency distribution for different types of singled-out emotions showed that amid positive emotions, happiness was the dominant emotion in all three cultures (62.58%, n = 649) followed by surprise (7.52%, n = 78); interestingly, pride was rarely displayed (0.77%, north = 8) and never occurred in the Turkish books. Amidst negative powerless emotions, worry/anxiety was the most prevalent emotion in all three groups (12.25%, n = 127) followed by sadness (v.98%, n = 62). Guilt was only displayed in one case in Turkish and Romanaian books and never in American books. Embarrassment was coded just in Romanaian books (0.48%, n = five). Among negative powerful emotions, anger occurred more than oftentimes (5.59%, n = 58) in all three cultural books compared to cloy (0.58%, n = 6), which never showed up in the Turkish books. Contempt or jealousy did not occur at all in any of these storybooks.

Hypotheses Testing

Emotion expression frequency

To determine cultural and contextual differences regarding the occurrence rates of emotions, loglinear analyses were computed. This statistical technique tin be described every bit ANOVA for a categorical variable equally dependent variable as it allows computing the main effects and interaction effects of independent variables on the dependent variable. Specific group differences are computed as Maximum Likelihood chi-square tests. The unit of assay is percentages of the three types of emotions (positive, negative powerless, and negative powerful emotions) across all books in each culture. First, we included gender as an independent variable. Since no interaction effects between gender and other independent variables occurred, nosotros written report the analyses without gender.

The overall loglinear assay for positive and negative emotion displays by cultural grouping showed a pregnant effect for type of emotions, χ² _(i) = 152.98, p < 0.001. Compared to negative emotions, positive emotions were significantly more ofttimes represented in the books of all three cultural groups (about 69% positive and 31% negative emotions (come across Figure ane), confirming hypothesis i. Still, there were also cultural differences regarding the frequencies of positive emotions, χ² ₍₂₎ = 25.28, p < 0.001. Romanian books displayed proportionally less positive emotions (59.53%) compared to American books (73.58%), χ² ₍₁₎ = 4.07, p = 0.044, and to Turkish books (74.32%), χⁱⁱ _(i) = 6.20, p < 0.013. The percent of positive emotions in the Turkish and American books did not differ, χⁱⁱ ₍₁₎ = 0.05, p = 0.826 (see Figure ii).

Figure 2. Frequency rates of emotion displays in relation to cultural groups.

The additional assay inside the negative emotions (powerful vs. powerless negative emotions) yielded strong significant cultural grouping differences, χⁱⁱ ₍₂₎ = 34.27, p < 0.001. American books displayed negative powerless and negative powerful emotions equally (50% resp. 50%), whereas the Romanian and Turkish books had a significantly college percentage of negative powerless compared to negative powerful emotions (Turkey: 80.00%; MLχⁱⁱ⁽¹⁾ = 13.89, p < 0.001; Romania: 84.48%, MLχ² _(one) = 31.63, p < 0.001) (come across Figure ii). The proportions of negative powerless and powerful emotions were similar for Romanian and Turkish books, MLχ^two ₍₁₎ = three.628, p = 0.07 (run into Figure 2). These results confirm hypothesis 2.

Next, we explored the effects of social context on the occurrence of emotion displays. The loglinear analysis confirmed that the interaction event for cultural group and social context was pregnant, LRχ^two ₍₁₂₎ = 40.93, p < 0.001. We tested the interaction issue separately for each type of emotion.

Positive emotions were displayed more toward ingroup (77.nineteen%) than outgroup members in the American books compared to the Romanian books (67.xiii%), χ² _(one) = 17.56, p < 0.001. Turkish books were more balanced in displaying positive emotions (ingroup: 47.80%, outgroup: 52.xx%) than the Romanaian books χ^two ₍₁₎ = 28.32, p < 0.001 (run into Effigy 3).

Figure 3. Emotion displays toward ingroup members compared to outgroup members in relation to cultural groups and type of emotions.

For negative powerless emotions, all books displayed the emotion in a balanced mode across ingroup and outgroup (US: l.00%; Turkey: 49.09%; Romania: 52.07% for ingroup), MLχ² ₍₁₎ = 0.fifteen, p = 0.929) (encounter Figure 3).

Negative powerful emotions were displayed more frequently to ingroup members (63.89%) than to outgroup members (36.11%) in the American books and more to outgroup members (63.sixteen%) than ingroup members (36.84%) in Romanaian books. Turkish books showed an unexpected pattern equally all negative powerful emotions were displayed toward ingroup members. However, none of these comparisons was significant (overall LR-χⁱⁱ ₍₂₎ = 4.00, p = 0.135), because the occurrence rate of negative powerful emotion displays was very depression in these books: n = x in Turkish books, n = 19 in Romanian books, and due north = 36 in American books (see Effigy 3).

Emotion Expression Intensity

To test hypotheses 3 and iv, we computed split 3(civilisation) × ii(context) ANOVAs for each type of emotion (meet Table 2). The ANOVA for positive emotions was pregnant with r ² = 0.088. Positive emotions were expressed more strongly in American books (M = 2.26, SD = 0.73) compared to both Romanian (G = 1.94, SD = 0.78) and Turkish books (1000 = one.95, SD = 0.65), F _{(2, 531)} = 6.51, p = 0.002. Furthermore, the context issue was only significant for the Turkish books, F _{(ane, 153)} = 35.33, p < 0.001, and not for American, F _{(1, 160)} = 0.85, p = 0.357 and Romanaian books, F _{(1, 214)} = 0.02, p = 0.894. In Turkish books, positive emotions were expressed more strongly to ingroup members (One thousand = ii.26, SD = 0.62) than outgroup members (M = 1.66, SD = 0.55) (meet Table 2 and Figure 4).

Table 2. Furnishings of cultural group and social context on emotion expression intensity.

Figure iv. Means of intensity of positive emotion expressions for cultural group and social context (ingroup/outgroup members).

For negative powerless emotions, the consequence size was r ² = 0.154. A similar cultural group effect equally for positive emotions occurred, F _{(2, 196)} = iii.96, p = 0.021. Negative powerless emotions were expressed more strongly in the American books (Thou = 2.46, SD = 0.71) compared to the Romanaian (M = ii.12, SD = 0.76) and Turkish books (M = 2.02, SD = 0.59). The context consequence did non vary by country. Overall, negative powerless emotions were expressed more strongly toward ingroup members (M = 2.37, SD = 0.58) compared to outgroup members (M = 1.90, SD = 0.78), F _{(1, 196)} = 11.63, p < 0.001 (see Figure five). No meaning effects occurred for negative powerful emotions, F _{(iv, 60)} = one.l, p = 0.214, due to the low number of displays, especially in Romanaian and Turkish books.

Figure five. Means of intensity of negative powerless emotion expressions for cultural group and social context (ingroup/outgroup members).

To summarize, hypothesis 3 was only confirmed for positive emotions. The hypothesis almost ingroup/outgroup furnishings (hypothesis 4) with respect to emotion intensity was confirmed for American and Turkish books in regard to positive emotions but non for Romanaian books.

Word

This study aimed to investigate cultural differences of emotion displays in American, Turkish, and Romanian children's storybooks. In contrast to studies most emotion displays and emotion norms with participants, this study of fictitious displays in books allows assay of frequencies every bit indicators for the importance of an emotion. Hence we expected that such media analysis would reflect commonalities and cultural differences in emotion norms between these different cultural groups. Going beyond the quondam studies that only focused on positive emotions to investigate the cultural norms of emotion feel and expression in children's literature (Tsai, 2007), we investigated both positive and negative emotion displays in the storybooks. Based on the review of the current literature in this area, four hypotheses were formulated and tested.

Dominance of Positive Emotions

Beginning, the expectation that positive emotions would exist more frequently displayed in all children'southward storybooks compared to negative emotions (hypothesis 1) was confirmed. This result is in line with caregivers' desires to see the feel of positive emotions across many cultures (Diener and Lucas, 2004) and parents' general wish to evoke positive rather than negative emotions in immature children (Cole and Tan, 2006).

Cultural Patterns for Norms most Negative Emotions

Our 2nd goal was to investigate the cultural differences in regard to the frequency charge per unit of negative displays. The hypothesis that American storybook characters would display more than negative powerful and less negative powerless emotions compared to the characters in Turkish and Romanian storybooks was confirmed. The proportion of these two negative types of emotion was counterbalanced in American storybooks. On the other hand, negative powerful emotions were displayed very infrequently in the Turkish and Romanian storybooks and the proportion of negative powerless displays were substantially college than those in the American books. This result points to the importance of differentiating between types of negative emotions for cultural comparisons. Such a distinction was already constructive for emotion studies of gender differences (Fischer and Manstead, 2000), and it may likewise be effective for cultural studies as interdependent cultures do restrict negative powerful emotions. An increasing number of emotion socialization studies have as well begun to differentiate betwixt specific types of negative emotions (Usa: Morris et al., 2011; Turkey: Corapci et al., 2012; Bharat: Raval and Martini (2009); Nepal: Cole and Tan, 2006). These studies signal to culturally distinct uses of emotion socialization practices in response to negative powerful emotions (e.g., anger) and powerless negative emotions (e.g., sadness; see Friedlmeier et al., 2011, in press). In general, the blueprint of the findings from the current study is consistent with previous research such that negative powerful emotions are less acceptable in group-oriented cultures compared to negative powerless emotions considering the onetime threaten the harmony while the latter elicit back up, and these norms are as well indicated in these storybooks. This pattern of findings supports the predictions fatigued from the cocky-construal framework (Markus and Kitayama, 2010) and emotion competence models (Chan et al., 2009). The avoidance of displaying negative powerful emotions was especially obvious in Romanian storybooks every bit 15% of those displays even occurred when alone (while less than 1% in the American and Turkish books) and not in social situations. Overall, the display of negative powerful emotions was very depression in the Romanian and Turkish books.

Cultural Pattern of Emotion Expression Intensity

Our third goal was to investigate the cultural differences in emotion expression intensity. The hypothesis (three) that U.s. children's books would display higher intensity of positive and negative powerful emotion expressions compared to Romanian and Turkish books was confirmed partially. We found back up for the expected cultural difference in positive emotion expressions merely non for negative powerful emotion expressions. Furthermore, the assumption that the intensity of negative powerless emotion would exist higher in Romanian and Turkish books than in American books was rejected. Contrary to our expectations, the intensity of negative powerless emotions showed the same cultural pattern as for positive emotions: American storybook characters displayed powerless emotions such as fearfulness and sadness more intensely compared to the characters in Romanaian and Turkish storybooks, although the frequency of powerless emotions was lower as reported in a higher place. Overall, the results of the present study rather point to stronger emotion expression regardless of emotion valence. The general higher expression intensity in American storybook characters is in line with cantankerous-cultural differences reported in display rules and emotion expression studies with adult (Van Hemert et al., 2007; Matsumoto et al., 2008) and child participants (Cole et al., 2002; Novin et al., 2009; Wilson et al., 2012). The findings of the present report strengthen the assumption that the self-orientation in Western, individualistic cultures emphasizes open communication of emotions to support the exclamation of self (e.one thousand., Gottman et al., 1997). These emotions indicate inner states of autonomous individuals who rely on themselves to achieve goals and whose states are not readily understood by others without the private'due south expressing them (Markus and Kitayama, 2001).

Touch of Social Context on Emotion Displays

The fourth goal of the nowadays report was to investigate the differential emotion expression frequency and intensity as a function of the social group. We expected higher ingroup-outgroup differentiation for the Romanaian and Turkish storybooks compared to American storybooks. This hypothesis was confirmed for positive emotion intensity regarding the Turkish and American storybooks but not for the Romanian ones. As expected, the characters in the Turkish storybook pictures were depicted every bit showing positive emotions more intensely to ingroup compared to outgroup members, whereas American books did non make such a stardom. Unexpectedly, Romanaian books were similar to the American books regarding the social context effect on the positive emotions. The hypothesis was just partly confirmed for frequency of negative powerful emotions. Negative powerful emotions were overwhelmingly displayed to outgroup members in Romanaian compared to American books. This blueprint fits with the norm to avoid displaying such emotions to ingroup members as such emotions threaten the grouping harmony. Opposite to the hypothesis, all negative powerful emotions of the Turkish books occurred in ingroup contexts.

Another interesting result pertained to the part of social context on negative powerless emotions. Specifically, emotions such every bit sadness and fright were displayed in higher intensity toward ingroup members in all three countries and were shown about half of the time toward ingroup vs. outgroup members. The delineation of story characters as expressing powerless emotions more than intensely to familiar relatives, best friends, or teachers rather than to strangers makes sense given the greater expectation of receiving emotional support and assistance from ingroup members. Our finding suggests that this expectation cuts beyond all cultural groups. This cultural similarity with respect to the ingroup-outgroup stardom also supports previous findings (Matsumoto et al., 2008) that in spite of a stronger norm of consistency Americans moderated and adapted the expression of negative emotions along contextual features.

Unlike Emotion Norms in Romanaian and Turkish Books?

The results nigh the part of the context signal to differences between Romanian and Turkish books. Either this difference refers to the lack of statistical power based on low frequency rates (due east.g., low number of negative powerful emotions) or the emotion norms between Romania and Turkey are different. We causeless commonalities betwixt Romanian and Turkish emotion norms. Although they share some norms and history, both countries differ in their political and economic development over the terminal 20 years. Since the breakdown of the communist system in the 90s, Romania became a autonomous state, joined the EU, and started to be more than oriented toward Western Europe in the concluding x years compared to Turkey. This was also noticeable in the fact that more than of the popular Romanian books were translated books from Western countries compared to Turkish books. At the same fourth dimension, Romania is still considered a rather traditional than a modern society according to value enquiry like the European Value Survey (encounter M. Friedlmeier and Gavreliuc, 2013). Obedience and conformity are withal important kid-rearing goals, and these goals may keep alive the cultural norm to avoid strong emotion expressions, even negative powerless emotions, inside the family unit. The assay here suggests that negative emotions, especially negative powerful emotions, are less valued in Romanian compared to Turkish books. Well-nigh of the negative powerful emotions were displayed to outgroup members, and those emotions occurred besides often when the protagonist was alone, which devalues such brandish toward others, peculiarly familiar persons.

General Cultural Features of Storybooks beyond Emotions

This book analysis brought some interesting insights beyond the hypotheses testing: the books showed differences in some contextual features that can be interpreted as indicators for differences in full general cultural norms. Romanian and Turkish books presented more than grouping contexts, i.east., more figures showing emotions were displayed on average on one folio. However, this divergence was limited to the codable figures. Nosotros did not count figures that were also present but in the groundwork (besides small to code) or did not testify any emotion expression. The emotion displays in the Romanian and Turkish books were presented more than often toward outgroup members. The accent on (out) groups may betoken a stronger collectivist perspective, grouping-orientation, and interdependence model. The American books presented emotions mostly in private and familiar settings. These characteristics match well with the norms of individualism combined with family orientation which is characteristic for United states of america culture (see Bellah et al., 1985).

Emotions in Storybooks Reflecting Cultural Emotion Norms

We selected the books by popularity. Information technology is noteworthy to report that children's books with a storyline, many pictures of figures, and a low amount of text, may non exist a universal feature in itself. When nosotros started to look for children's books, nosotros also looked into the pick to take authors and illustrators from the same country. This search showed that such types of books are not common in Romania and Turkey. When nosotros switched to the popularity criterion, we could detect many translated books, mostly from English, French, or German. As these types of children's books were popular and became more popular over the final 10 years, this form of medium tin can be seen every bit a sign of cultural change in the Eastern European cultures. At the same time, such translated books sometimes can be an informative source near cultural differences, considering the publisher may modify the images in the books, and sometimes even the story changes.

Authors and illustrators of books have different intentions and may not consciously tell stories and present drawings based on culturally shared emotion norms. Nonetheless, we can assume that emotion norms are reflected in and transmitted through media like children'south storybooks, and the results of this study underscore that culture-specific emotion norms regarding salience and intensity of emotion expressions can exist establish in such media. It was an interesting result that many self-conscious emotions similar guilt, embarrassment, shame, and pride nearly did non show up at all and were represented at a very depression level. Given the fact that these emotions develop in the preschool menses (Lewis, 2008), book authors may presume that they cannot still be grasped so easily by children, so they avoid exposing them to these types of emotions.

Limitations

A global rating of the emotion blazon and the intensity of expression was used to generate the primary data for hypothesis testing. Similar to Tsai et al. (2007), we aimed to use FACS for coding emotion expressions. However, nosotros met some limitations. Tsai et al. (2007) used FACS but they restricted the coding to limited features of positive emotions. Every bit we expanded to negative emotions, the coding became more complicated. FACS is restricted to six bones emotions, and nosotros aimed to include a wider range of emotions. Illustrators may non necessarily follow the emotion expression codes of FACS. Therefore, we decided to integrate the context information into coding of the type of emotion. The interrater agreement across coders form the unlike countries were satisfactory, but improvement of coding is desired for future studies. The results for the negative powerful emotions are limited due to the low number of occurrences, especially in Romanian and Turkish books. More books need to exist coded to get more than detailed insight into this blazon of emotion. Although the number of books was small, the number of coded images was rather high, and equally nosotros sampled the near popular books, we tin assume that the audition of the books is widespread in the respective countries.

Conclusions and Outlook

This written report shows that young children in Romania and Turkey are less exposed to intensive emotion expressions and they are less exposed to negative powerful emotions in popular children's storybooks. The media exposure for young children may occur when looking at those books on their own, but overwhelmingly they will feel these books through the presentation of a caregiver. Therefore, it is of import to know how a parent reads to the child, i.e., how much they emphasize emotions and which ones. Some researchers investigated how mothers read wordless picture books and tell stories to young children, and cultural comparisons mostly refer to US-China comparisons (Doan and Wang, 2010; Tao et al., 2013). Early childhood teachers play also an important part (Denham and Bassett, 2012) for emotion socialization of young children, and no cultural comparing has been published so far. It remains a task for a futurity report to analyze how elaborately parents and teachers engage in the reading action (i.e., the richness of item they add to the story and pictures).

Noesis about cultural difference in emotion norms is an of import requisite to derive more than precise hypotheses about cultural differences when studying emotion socialization with children and caregivers from a developmental perspective. Although such emotion norms are related to individualism/collectivism or independent/interdependent models of self (Markus and Kitayama, 2001; Tsai et al., 2006; Mesquita and Albert, 2007), they are not completely determined by such full general norms. Insights into culturally shared emotion norms lead to meliorate predictions of emotion socialization practices by caregivers for time to come cross-cultural developmental studies. For example, caregivers believing in the importance of strong excitement as ideal impact may encourage such expression of positive emotions in their children, whereas caregivers guided past contentment as ideal affect may even minimize the aforementioned displayed positive emotions of their children. Similar civilization-specific emotion socialization strategies can exist expected based on different norms regarding the negative emotions.

Author Contributions

Wolfgang Friedlmeier and Briana Vander Wege started the idea for this projection. Briana Vander Wege adult the coding organisation and coded all the variables for all books. Mayra 50. Sánchez González contributed to the coding arrangement and coded almost of the variables for all books. Briana Vander Wege and Mayra L. Sánchez González wrote a first draft of the article that was so revised by Wolfgang Friedlmeier. Wolfgang Friedlmeier supervised the writing of the theoretical and method part, wrote the event and word section of the commencement typhoon and wrote the complete revised version. Linda M. Mihalca coded all Romanian and well-nigh of the American books and she contributed to later drafts of the article. Erica Goodrich was mostly responsible for information handling and data analysis and too contributed to later drafts of the manuscript. Feyza Corapci was responsible for the choice and coding of the Turkish books and contributed to later on drafts.

Conflict of Interest Argument

The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absenteeism of whatever commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.

Acknowledgments

This study was office of the project "Emotion Socialization in an Interdisciplinary Cross-Cultural Perspective" that was funded past the R&D at GVSU every bit an Interdisciplinary Inquiry Initiative. We would like to thank Michelle Sanchez from the Writing Department at GVSU for her conscientious review and suggestions. We would like to give thanks Oana Benga, Babes-Bolyai University, Cluj-Napoca, Romania, for the pick of the Romanaian storybooks. Nosotros finally desire to thank the 2 reviewers and the editor for their disquisitional comments of an earlier version.

Footnotes

1. ^Different ethnic groups inside US may favor different storybooks. Some popular Hispanic-American books are available in both languages (English and Spanish). Therefore, we decided to focus on European-American children's storybooks.

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